This free short book includes a bit of fiction and a bit of nonfiction. There are 15 short stories of the flash fiction variety, though some run longer than the typical flash story. In addition, there are 11 book reviews.
While the stories have been much more enjoyable to write, the book reviews are important to me, particularly those related to works on political economy, a subject that I've been interested in since college—two score years ago. They called it economics then and still do, but I prefer 'political economy' because politics is inseparable from economics.
Both genres include pieces that relate to the title of this collection—Writings Near the End of the Human Era. Not that I happen to believe or know or predict that the end of the world is imminent. It's more that there's a hint that the human race is on the cusp of a revolution that may shatter our view of ourselves and our limits as humans on Earth as well as within the universe (for lack of a better word). To speak in the 1st person is misleading though, because it isn't likely that I'll be around to find out.
From the book:
The Emperor's Wisdom
"Tell me, is there a way to undercut the power of my rebellious lords in the countryside?"
"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty. There is such a way. It is a new wisdom from a faraway land, and while it is still young and underdeveloped in Your Imperial Majesty's realm, it holds great promise."
"Who can tell me more about this new wisdom from afar?"
"There is one, Your Imperial Majesty, who articulates the political philosophy I speak of."
"Bring him to me. I wish to question him."
"Begging Your Imperial Majesty's pardon, this person is a 'she.'"
"A woman? How could a woman come to be in the possession of such powerful knowledge? Is this a ploy by our enemies? A tragic equine?"
"Again, begging Your Imperial Majesty's forbearance, this does not appear to be part of a foreign plot—a Trojan Horse, to which Your Imperial Majesty perceptively alludes."
"Does not 'appear' you say. How can you be so sure? More to the point, how can you convince me?"
"Your reservations testify to your wisdom and perspicacity—just two of the imperial attributes that serve you well, Your Imperial Majesty. In this case, the woman is a scholar and as such is not welcome in any of the courts of the empires to the east or west. She lives in exile in your empire under your benevolent protection."
"How is it possible that such a one can enjoy the privilege of my protection without my knowledge?"
"I arranged it, Your Imperial Majesty, thinking that one day this person could be useful to us."
"Are there others, situated as this one is, under my protection without my cognizance and do they pose a threat to my rule?"
"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty, there are others, but be assured that each is carefully monitored to ensure that none of their communications are private, even though none are 'detained' in any manner that would suggest that we regard them as dangerous. These intellectuals enjoy freedoms that they could never imagine in their home worlds. They have no complaints here. We make sure of that."
"Have any attempted any subterfuge?"
"Yes, of course, Your Imperial Majesty. And those have been carefully and surgically excised, if you will. They are no longer even memories—to any but us that is."
"I've never underestimated you, Councillor."
"Your Imperial Majesty is too kind, but please forgive if I transgress by saying that my loyalty to Your Imperial Majesty is absolute and unwavering."
"Yes, yes. Now bring me this woman. I wish to speak with her at length—in private."
"As you wish, Your Imperial Majesty. Where—?"
"In the library at the end of The Philosophers' Walk."
"Shall I disable surveillance?"
"No. But the records will be accessible only with my voice-print."
The following afternoon
"So, Professor—do you mind if I call you that?"
"No, Excellency, but I have not been a professor in two decades."
"You may call me 'Excellency,' though at court you might wish to use 'Your Imperial Majesty."
"Yes, Excellency. I beg—"
]"Never mind. Do you know why I have invited you today?"
"Yes, Excellency. I was told that you wish to know more about my work."
"Yes. So, explain to me, Professor, how this political philosophy of yours can benefit my empire. Having lived here for two decades, you have made observations, no?"
"Yes, Excellency. Please do not think I am so arrogant as to think that this is 'my' philosophy. It is mine only insofar as I subscribe to it, but many, many others whom I have studied over the years deserve credit for developing and refining the knowledge and wisdom that cumulatively have produced this 'philosophy.'"
"Noted, Professor. Now, continue."
"Begging your pardon, Excellency, but in your empire political unrest ..."
"Speak frankly, Professor. I know the state of affairs and I'm advised that you, too, are not ignorant of what happens in my empire even though it is not 'common knowledge,' as the people say."
"Well, then, Excellency. The landed nobility is and has been a threat to your rule in the provinces, and if I may hazard a conjecture, this has nothing to do with you personally. It is quite simply, as I hope to explain, a natural manifestation of the limitations of centralized administration over a large land mass and a diverse population."
"Continue."
"Your authority is enhanced or diminished to the extent that the landed aristocracy determine that it is in their interest to align or distance themselves from your policies. This creates and perpetuates the conditions for political uncertainty and quiescent rebellion."
"And so, in the words of one of your compatriots of long ago, 'What is to be done?'"
"It is, in fact, more revolutionary than what he advised, and here I must refer to the history of political thought, which Your Excellency will undoubtedly recollect, as this very library and its vast collection of historical treatises provides ample testimony to your learned pursuits."
"Your assumptions are well-founded, Professor. Continue."
"Long ago, the industrial revolution brought about changes in the bases of economic power, and this, over time, translated into changing configurations of political power. Capitalism, allied with political liberalism, brought an end to the nobility's dominance, but here is where I, and others, depart from the orthodox histories. Capitalism may have required 'democratization' but that was expedient for the short-run, and scholars and critics have noted how far from ideal 'actually existing democracies' were."
"Are you a Luxemburg revisionist, then, Professor?"
"Aside from our common gender, which incidentally has nothing whatsoever to do with our philosophical views, I do acknowledge the importance of the intellectual class in her writing, though, either she wasn't clear-sighted enough, and that is improbable, or she was otherwise motivated such that she didn't allow for the ubiquitous nature of ideology in government—all too often masquerading as scientific or technical management."
"You seem overly sensitive to gender. That's unfortunate, but let's not waste time on that. Tell me in what way your views depart from Luxemburg's and whether you are sympathetic to the 'new class' theorists like Djilas, Konrad & Szelényi and Bahro, for example?"
"As I was saying, Luxemburg's revolutionary fervor overwhelmed her logical assessment of the threat of the 'dictatorship over the proletariat.' Most likely, she was mesmerized by her hopes for a different outcome, but as the critics of 'actually existing socialism' showed, the ends are the means becoming. This had the effect of nullifying a significant body of her work.
"Where I differ from these critics however is in the feasibility of the utopian goal of socialism. And even if it were feasible, I question whether it would be desirable. You see, I believe—and my studies have borne this out—that authoritative power is essential for human organization and to pretend to the contrary would be to assume something about human nature that is fundamentally indemonstrable, viz. that the use of coercive force is not an intrinsic characteristic of human behaviour."
"So, are you offering to be my Machiavelli, and if so, how can I be certain that your machinations won't be turned against me?"
"Excellency, I would never expect to be your only advisor let alone your most trusted advisor. Your wisdom is the check on the ambition you suggest might lie in my most secret motivations—a possibility that no sagacious sovereign could ignore."
"So my Machiavelli, what advice do you have for me with regards to my fractious nobles? Your time is passing quickly. Make your point."
"Excellency, it is agreeable to me as well to conclude succinctly and to give you time to consider with your advisors—those in your court as well as those whose words are recorded in the multitudinous volumes of this athenaeum."
"Yes?"
"It is this, Excellency: capitalism is the means by which you will bring the lords to heel, but democracy—in its purer form—need not constrain you. What Luxemburg, the 'new class' theorists and others have added to our knowledge of political theory and praxis is that an intelligentsia is the sine qua non for effective governance—public administration in the language of the now mostly abandoned business schools that once resuscitated the declining university. What the 21st century taught us is that capitalism, not communism, can be centrally managed. This was the convergence that had not been sensed—or at least discussed—during what we now acknowledge was the relatively stable and peaceful era of the Cold War. Build your intelligentsia—the techniques are not new in the annals of history. Education, privilege, social mobility—these are tried and true methods for recruiting your leaders of the people."
"But Professor, am I so naive that I overlook the possibility—some say probability—that the forces of leadership set free will soon venture beyond the bounds of, shall we say, my influence?"
"No, Excellency. You are not. However, even His Imperial Majesty does not get dealt a perfect hand. But again, Excellency, history has also shown—and I allude to the 20th century ideological conflict between Keynesian and Monetarist economists—that conflict can be contained and managed within the 'college of the intelligentsia,' if you will, with minimal political disturbances and practically zero revolutionary shocks."
